Interviewing

King & Horrock (2010:25) argue that there is no single universal protocol to follow for developing a qualitative interview study. Among the techniques chosen as the most appropriate tool to collect data in this study were face-to-face interviews with the selected Vhomaine. Such interviews were preferred for the purpose of securing information about the practices of Vhomaine and their interactions with Vhalaxwa. Such sharing of information between vhalaxwa and the researcher was done in a mutual collaborative way of symbiosis through questions and probing questions. This was done to understand their documentation strategies of indigenous health knowledge.

Gubrium, et al. (2012:27) viewed research interviewing as a straightforward method of data collection where respondents (in this case are Vhomaine) were contacted, interviews were scheduled, a location determined, ground rules set and interviews begun, and in this process questions were designed to elicit answers in an anticipatable form from Vhomaine until the interview process was complete. During these interviews, the honest version of Vhomaine interactions with the clients and their indigenous health knowledge dominated the centre stage.

As already indicated above, the introductory remarks of data collection, Keikelame &

Swartz (2019), proposed central tensions and structures in decolonizing research methodologies such as power; trust; culture and cultural competence; respect and legitimate research practices and recognition of individual and community assets. When

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data was collected through interviews, these tensions and structures that were proposed in decolonizing research methodologies were taken into consideration and taken care of throughout the entire interview process.

As already alluded to, the participants / collaborators of this study were from all the local municipalities of the Vhembe District Municipality and the majority of Collins Chabane local municipality are VaTsonga speaking people. It happens that in this case, one of the participant / collaborator was a Tsonga speaking Vhomaine. The researcher sought the assistance of the translator. The interviews questions were therefore translated into both Tshivenda and XiTsonga from English as reflected below.

The interview questions were structured as follows:

(a) How do you record your indigenous health knowledge?

Venda version: Vha rekhodisa hani ndivho ya tshithu ya vhunanga?

XiTsonga Version: Mi hlayisa njhani vutivi bya nwina bya vutshunguri bya ndhavuko?

(b) What do you regard as indigenous health knowledge?

Venda version: Ndi zwifhio zwine vha zwidzhia i ndivho ya tshithu ya vhunanga?

XiTsonga Version: Vutshunguri bya ndhavuko i yini?

(c) What are the different styles in which traditional health practitioners (Vhomaine) record their healing process per client?

Venda version: Ndi zwitaela zwifhio zwine Vhomaine vha rekhodisa ngazwo malafhele u ya nga mulaxwa?

XiTsonga Version: Hi tihi tindlela leti tin’anga va ti tirhisaka ku hlayisaka vuxokoxoko bya vavabyi loko va ri ku va tshunguleni?

(d) What are the various ways in which traditional health practitioners (Vhomaine) retrieve information when their clients consult with them?

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Venda version: Ndi ndila dzifhio nga u fhambana dzine Vhomaine vha dovholola u wana ndivho nga ha vhalaxwa musi vhatshida u tolwa kana u alafhiwa?

XiTsonga Version: Hi waha maendlelo lawa tin’anga ti matirhisaku ku kuma vuxokoxoko bya khale loko vatshungula vavabyi?

(e) What are the challenges associated with the documentation of traditional health practitioners’ (Vhomaine) practices during their healing process per client?

Venda version: Ndi vhukondi vhufhio vhu tutshelanaho na u vhulunga ndivho ya tshithu ya kushumele kwa Vhomaine u ya nga ku alafhele kwa mulaxwa nga mulaxwa?

XiTsonga Version: Hi yihi mintlhontlho leyi tin’anga va hlanganaka nayona mayelana na ku hlayisa vuxokoxoko bya vavabyi loko va ri ku va tshunguleni?

(f) What are your suggestion(s) on the documentation strategies that can be employed by traditional health practitioners (Vhomaine) during their interactions with clients?

Venda version: Ndi zwifhio zwine vha nga eletshedza zwone kha maitele a kuvhulungele a ndivho ya tshithu ya Vhomaine musi vha tshi vhonana na vhalaxwa vha vho?

XiTsonga Version: Hi waha mavonelo lawa u nga ma nyikaka ku antswisa tindlela leti tin’anga va ti tirhisaka ku hlayisa vuxokoxoko loko va ri ku tshunguleni ka vavabyi?

Interviews as a tool to collect data were chosen because they are an appropriate method when there is a need to collect in-depth information on people's opinions, thoughts, experiences and feelings. Interviews also serve as the best way of collaboration with mutual trust, and in this case, Vhomaine who are the diviners and herbalists.

According to Wilson & Neville (2009), there should be equal power sharing between the researcher and the participants / researched. In case of this study, where the

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researcher is not a traditional health practitioner, the power lies with Vhomaine who have a valuable contribution to the research process. The protection of indigenous health knowledge by Vhomaine during this stage was very crucial. The collaborative process of data collection seemed not to be mutual, but a parasitic symbiosis in nature.

The researcher is tabula rasa in terms of indigenous health knowledge while Vhomaine are the provider of the information meaning that Vhomaine are the custodians and knowledge holders of the indigenous health knowledge while the researcher is totally incognizant, unacquainted and ill-informed about the subject on the practices of Vhomaine. This goes against the mutual collaboration and equal power sharing between the researcher and the participants as averred to by Wilson & Neville (2009).

In an attempt to decolonize qualitative approach as proposed by Keikelame & Swartz (2019), not all elements of central tensions and structures were on equal footing. In this study, there was a lack of written agreement between Vhomaine and the researcher which outline the terms of reference, but a written request for permission to collect data was made available to each Vhomaine and such permission was granted. The request to collect data is reflected as Appendix A in this study. Using Masango (2010:76), a caution / warning was made that the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) deems it important to protect traditional knowledge where in this case is traditional health knowledge (which may mean the use of plants, animal portions, thangu and many others), from being exploited by appropriation for financial gains by the third parties.

With regard to trust building during data collection through interviews, Liamputtong (2010) supports that it is vital between Vhomaine and the researcher in decolonizing research process and that it should be based on values of respect, reciprocity and collaboration. It is argued that building trust is a long process more especially when the participants were exploited by other researchers. Mutual trust assists in getting credible data. The researcher had to work hard to build such mutual trust with the participants of the study. There was a need to recognize the existence of Vhomaine for the sustainability of the mutual trust. Vhomaine and their resources which enhance their

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ability to maintain and sustain health and well-being and in reducing health inequalities need to be recognized as opined by Whiting et al. (2012: 25-28). When Vhomaine were problematized to focus on their strength, capabilities and resilience, relationship of trust is created. From the aforementioned prerequisites of the interviews as a qualitative data collection tool, the following explains and discusses how interviews were conducted, bearing in mind of the decolonizing research approaches when working with the indigenous health practitioners, Vhomaine:

The physical space where interviews, especially with the diviners, took place was in the hut, which is an indigenous dwelling of both Vhavenda and VaTsonga. In Tshivenda, this special ancestral hut is called Ndumbani where Vhomaine practice and store their ancestral tools such as indigenous costumes, drums or ngoma, thevhele (a pouch or purse that stores, for example, the incised bone tablets or thangu), indigenous mats and some were made up of animal skins, medicines from dried plants, animals portions, minerals and others. The requirement for the researcher or / and the client (Mulaxwa) to enter Ndumbani is to take off the shoes and the hat in case of a male researcher or a client. Before the interviews could start, all Vhomaine of the diviners’ category started by sprinkling the snuff (fola) on the floor as a way of communicating to the ancestors or the living-dead to dedicate the researcher to the ancestors and as a way of requesting for a permission of the interviews to take place. If this is not done properly, Vhomaine, the diviners, said that they could be punished.

In case of the herbalists, the place of their practice is not called Ndumbani. It differs from one herbalist to another. Others have a bag full of the herbs in papers, bottles and plastic containers. For some herbalists, consultation was under the tree in their homestead. One other consulted herbalist, the consultation was conducted in a market where he trades with herbs and medicinal plant species while others are imbued with animals’ portions and mineral compounds. In another case, an appointment was done with an herbalist for consultation after working hours in his market. This was done to avoid disturbances while working with the clients during the day. After the interview, the herbalist was to be transported home. One herbalist in an extreme rural area used

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shack made of the pieces of corrugated iron sheets as a consultation room. Many herbs were hanging and the powder of herbs were stored in bottles and plastic containers. All were labelled according to their names. Most of the names were derived from the functioning of a particular herb such as mukuvha zwivhi which purifies the blood. This supports what Mabogo (2012) said that most of Vhavenda names of plants are related to their traditional and medicinal uses, morphology, anatomy and chemistry. The herbalists were selling their medicinal plants which serve as a source of their income.

Before interviews, when Vhomaine were identified, each Vhomaine was told that the interviews would be face-to-face. A request was made that such interviews will take place where they practice of which permissions were granted by each one of the respondents / collaborators. The researcher explained to the respondents that he wanted to investigate the “Documentation strategies of indigenous health knowledge by Vhomaine”. This was translated into Tshivenda where Vhomaine were Vhavenda speaking people and Xitsonga where they were VaTsonga speaking people. The Tshivenda version reads as follows:

“Ndila kana maitele ane Vhomaine vha nga vhulunga ngayo ndivho yavho ya tshithu ya u alafha”.

The XiTsonga version reads as follows:

“Tindlela leti madokodela ya xintu / tinanga va nga hlayisaka matsalwo ha kona vutivi bya matshungulelo ya ndhavuko”.

They were informed that the researcher is a PhD candidate and the information collected will never be used for any unintended purposes. Vhomaine were told that their privacy will be protected. A further request made was to use a voice recorder, notes taking and in some instances video recording. The participants were also asked for permission to use their names during analysis and compilation of the report. This permission was granted.

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On the appointment date and time, the researcher ensured his availability. The researcher introduced and presented himself in a way acceptable to the African culture where he could sit down and simply take off shoes to initiate a friendly but professional conversation. The researcher used the language acceptable to Vhomaine and introduced his full names and surname, where he comes from, the university under which he is studying. In so doing, the researcher followed all the four key principles that underpin research which are respect; honesty; justice and fairness and care as opined by Callaway (2017).

The translation of the topic to Tshivenda was done by the researcher himself as the researcher is a Tshivenda speaking person. When translating the topic to Xitsonga, the XiTsonga speaking person was sought. The researcher and the translator to XiTsonga are not necessarily professionals in both the indigenous languages, hence they speak everyday informal spoken language. There was no violation of the ethical principles which honestly requires that translation should be on everyday spoken language and not professional jargon, and this is the aspect for decolonizing research methodology as averred by Callaway (2017). It can be argued that when using professional language, the intended and targeted participants, Vhomaine, will be undermined and left behind.

The indigenous language is the language they speak amongst themselves. It is therefore advisable to the researchers not to use the arduous and difficult language when collaborating with Vhomaine. These ethical principles ensure that the indigenous research practices are culturally appropriate and ethically correct among indigenous Vhomaine themselves. The researcher explained the purpose of the project, the importance of their participation and the expected duration of the interview as well as the format of the interview. Vhomaine were told how the interview would be recorded and how the collected information will be used.

After repeating the topic under investigation, the researcher informed Vhomaine that the questions he would like to ask will not take much of their time. The research questions were translated into Tshivenda where Vhomaine were Vhavenda speaking people. With

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the help of an interpreter, questions were also translated to Xitsonga where Vhomaine was a Xitsonga speaking person. The researcher probed areas based on the participant’s responses by asking supplementary or probing questions for clarification and getting in-depth information. Vhomaine were encouraged to elaborate more freely to keep them talking in order to get more detail on the topic under investigation. When clarification was sought, they were asked to explain and complete their story. The questioning and answering process was semi-structured. Galletta, et al. (2013) assert that semi-structured interview is structured to address specific topics related to the phenomenon of the study, while leaving space for participants to offer new meaning to the study focus. The semi-structured questioning and answering seemed to be useful when collecting in-depth information in a systematic manner from Vhomaine. The research questions were asked to each Vhomaine in the same way but differed in probing questions.

The researcher focused on the research topic and completed the interview within the reasonable time limit. The researcher thanked Vhomaine for participation and asked if they had any questions. Participants were granted opportunity to clarify areas where the researcher was in need of more information. The researcher gave Vhomaine his full concentration and attentiveness. It was ensured there was a proper recording without distracting Vhomaine and the researcher regularly kept on checking the notes and voice recorder. The researcher ensured that all the questions were asked and explained again how the data will be used. Vhomaine felt very happy as they were discussing and sharing the information they practice on their daily basis. During the cause of information sharing between the researcher and Vhomaine, the researcher had some bottled water that he shared with some of Vhomaine, especially the herbalists as some were met outside of their homes.

After the interview, the researcher made sure that the interview was properly recorded and made additional notes. The researcher organised the responses and transcribed them to be ready for analysis. Note was taken that in this study, indigenous health knowledge refers to knowledge that concerns the causes, diagnosis, and treatment of

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various illness, sickness and diseases within the context of the local or indigenous people who are said have originated and stayed in that area for a long time. In case of some of the Vhomaine, especially the diviners, were visited more than once seeking additional information. Vhomaine who was used as a pilot in the study was visited three times. The researcher thanked all Vhomaine for their time and the willingness to form part of the study when the interviews were concluded.