Rapid political, socio-economic changes took place in the area in the past. Settlements were sparse and scattered. The area is inhabited by people from different ethnic backgrounds. The original inhabitants of the area were the Korekore people. The majority of the inhabitants who now occupy the area are migrants who came from Southern Zimbabwe (Great Zimbabwe) in the mid-1600s and onwards. These people wanted to exploit the rich soils and rich rock salts despite the threats of tsetse flies and mosquitoes during that time. Agricultural productivity as a result of irrigation also attracted the massive inflow of immigrants into the area in the 1970s.
The successful implementation of the combination of programmes to reduce tsetse fly and drugs to vaccinate livestock against tryponomiasis, made livestock keeping in the area possible in the 1970’s.
The area also has migrants from Mozambique, Malawi and Zambia and some parts of Zimbabwe (that is from Manicaland, Midlands and Matabeleland). M ost o f these migrants came to the area to exploit the rich soils in the area. Those who are originally from other countries migrated into the area during the fast track Land Reform in 2000. They were once employed on what were nearby commercial farms. With land reform and the farms having been taken, they lost their jobs and they had to migrate to Muzarabani for farming to earn a living.
Increase in agricultural productivity in the 1970’s due to irrigation also prompted a high influx o f immigrants into Muzarabani. According to Byers (2001: 193), the “Karanga people immigrated into Muzarabani in the 1970s and the Zezuru immigrated in large numbers in the 1960s and 1980s. By 1969, the population density in this part o f the valley was estimated to be 2.5 persons per square kilometre, by 1982, 5.0 per square kilometre. Currently the area is densely populated.
Despite Christianity and Islam being widespread, the majority o f the people are adherents o f African Traditional Religion (ATR). There are sites and features that are still considered as sacred. There are giant forests locally known as tsokoto and these are believed to be inhabited by spirits. The people are duty-bound to obey all the values and taboos attached to the protection o f such areas. The M avhuradonha Mountains are still believed to have supernatural powers and the inhabitants go there for rain-making ceremonies (doro remukwerera). In addition, traditionalists in Muzarabani believe that there are certain trees that should not be cut because the “spirits rest in there” (Chanza and De Wit, 2015: 22). Rivers such as Hoya and Musengezi are given lots o f respect. People are encouraged to make use o f a specifically designed traditional vessel (mukombe) when tapping water from wells that are dug in the river.
Mutual labour (nhimbe/ hoka) is still very common; but because o f droughts, the practice is coming to a halt. The majority of the people believe that tampering with sacred sites invites affliction, misfortunes and harm to violators (Chanza and De Wit, 2015: 23). People conduct various ceremonies where they brew beer, sing traditional songs in praise of God and the ancestors (locally known as Musikavanhu and Vadzimu, respectively). This is done for several purposes such as appraising the ancestors, seeking help from ancestors when there is a crisis such as drought and floods. People can also dance during these ceremonies. Men lead all these
activities. The traditional beer is brewed by women who have reached their menopause. It is a patriarchal society where men dominate higher positions. Men are considered as breadwinners.
Although the community has and is being sensitized on gender issues, very few women actively participate in the activities that are meant to govern the community. A majority of residents are required to contribute the grain used to brew beer. Christians and Moslems are forced to do so by their Village Heads. These ceremonies cement community relationships as people get to know each other. Community Social Capital among people in different villages and wards is boosted and this also enables them to assist each other in times of crisis.
Traditional leaders say that forest patches are protected by the ancestral spirits and those who tamper with the unauthorised part of the vegetation invite bad omen or misfortune in their lives.
In addition, people believe that their spirits return to dwell among their descendants when they die. This was also found by Byers, Cunliffe and Huddok (2001: 193) in their study on linking the Conservation of Culture and Nature in Muzarabani. They note that Muzarabani people believe that “when people die, their spirits return to dwell among their descendants. These ancestral spirits are thought to often take the physical forms of animals”. Chiefs in the area are believed to be “guardian spirits of the place” (ibid: 193) and everyone has to comply with their rules, failure of which would invite bad omen. Chiefs have to live a traditional lifestyle despite the fact that western ways of living were introduced during the time of colonisation. They were not allowed to build modern houses of burnt bricks, cement and asbestos.
Currently, however, the chiefs are different and well-to-do. The government is building very good houses for them and they are given cars. A lot of the changes in terms of how chiefs are enthroned and work with community have taken place in the community but they are still believed to have supernatural powers. “When the chief dies, his successor was approved by spirit Mediums” (ibid: 193). However, the state now has a pivotal role to play as it has become the one that appoints the chief. Chiefs in the area are also being given terms to rule. This has raised local people’s eyebrows as they are now questioning their suitability of communicating with ancestors as the ancestors are no longer involved in choosing them (chiefs). M hondoro spirits were thought to communicate with modern people through spirit mediums, the most powerful traditional religious leaders. These mediums are thought to become ritually possessed by their spirits during ceremonies and give people direction and advice on issues that affect the community. However, the majority are losing confidence in believing in these practices because of incessant floods and droughts and also due to the influx of Christian churches and
Islam. The appointment of chiefs or their recognition by government started long ago under colonial governments and inhabitants in the area believe that this is also contributing to their suffering from floods and droughts.
The churches that are common in the area are Apostolic Churches (Johanne Masowe Chishanu and Nguwo tsvuku (Red garment), United Methodist, Zimbabwe Assemblies o f God Africa (ZAOGA), Zion and Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe (AFM). These are against the traditional religion in some ways. For instance, believers of these churches are not allowed to participate in community rituals such as rain-making ceremonies. There is also the Roman Catholic Church which is not completely against the traditional beliefs and practices. Although the system of enthroning chiefs has slightly changed, Village Heads (sabhukus) and Chiefs, have remained the enforcers of the respect for sacred sites and these can fine those who break the rules o f the land (Key Inform ant1). Early marriages are common in the area. Girls o f school going age marry at the age o f 14 and boys mostly at the age o f 16. Very few girls go to school as far as Ordinary Level. Getting married at a young age is common in the area. Yet in Zimbabwe, on the 20th o f January 2016, the court ruled that section 22 o f the Marriages Act is unconstitutional and therefore “no person, girl or boy should be married before the age o f 18” .
5.5: Wards under Study