AN ANALYSIS OF INLAND FISHERIES RESOURCE USE IN THE EASTERN CAPE, SOUTH AFRICA

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AN ANALYSIS OF INLAND FISHERIES RESOURCE USE IN THE EASTERN CAPE, SOUTH AFRICA

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

at

RHODES UNIVERSITY

by

NCUMISA YANGA MATAM

DECEMBER 2021

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2440-1266

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Declaration

By submitting this thesis/dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Rhodes University will not infringe any third-party rights, and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification.

Name: Ncumisa Yanga Matam

Student number: 18m8952

Signed:

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Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I would like to thank and acknowledge Prof Olaf Weyl for his continuous guidance, dedication and support throughout this project. His insights and enthusiasm were a valued driving force. He is the one person who never gave up on me, even when I did not believe in myself. I will eternally be grateful. To my supervisor, Prof Gladman Thondhlana, thank you for being there when I needed guidance the most. For being patient with me and always available for a meeting, I appreciate it. I would also like to thank my co-supervisor, Dr Josie South, for always being there and giving me advice throughout my study.

I would like my family, who have always been supportive of my studies, especially my parents (Mnoneleli Innocent Matam and Yolisa Matam), thank you for the financial and emotional support. For allowing me to spread my wings, trusting my decisions in the process, listening to me and for always believing in me. Without their support, love and guidance I would have never made it through, Mjoli, Wushe Qubulashe Nonina! To my friends, Sinawo, Godfrey, Katlego, Simthandile, Mzubanzi thank you for the motivation, support and constant check-ups.

To all the staff, students and interns and SAIAB, thank you for all your help in the field. To Matt, Dumi and Luba, thank you for being my skippers when I needed one. Thank you to Lulama Makana for the constant support and motivation.

To the Chief of Committees Drift in Peddie Mr Zwelizihlangene Maxinana, Aaahh Tshawe!!

Zweli, Witness and the community at large, thank you for welcoming us into your community and always being willing to help wherever you can.

To the DSI-NRF Centre of Excellence for Invasion Biology (CIB), the South African Institute for Aquatic Biodiversity (SAIAB) and DSI/NRF Research Chair in Inland Fisheries and Freshwater Ecology for financially supporting this project. A big thank you to SAIAB for approving the permit for the study (NRF-SAIAB AEC 2018/02; 2017/02; 2012/05; 2011/01 and the Department of Economic Development, Environmental Affairs and Tourism DEDEAT permit No. 20/18CR, 22/18CR).

Thank you to Olaf’s freshwater group at SAIAB, especially Josie South, Dumisani Khoza and Lubabalo Mofu for proofreading my work and encouragement.

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Abstract

South Africa’s Draft Inland Fisheries Policy identifies inland fisheries as an opportunity for socio-economic benefits such as jobs, food security and economic development, based on small-scale fishing and recreational value chains. Using roving creel surveys, this study examined various fishing groups in publicly accessible dams in both an urban and a rural settlement in the Makana Municipal area, Eastern Cape, South Africa. While inland fisheries are particularly relevant for rural communities, there is very little information on the current use of these resources, irrespective of inland fisheries’ importance. This thesis presents a conceptual framework for a study that: (1) reviews available information of inland fisheries and development attempts in South Africa; (2) provides an assessment of the use of inland fisheries on publicly accessible dams in the Makana Municipal area and (3) evaluates case studies of current and past utilization of selected inland fisheries initiatives in the Eastern Cape.

The results of this project provide insights into the current conditions and development potentials of inland fisheries in the Eastern Cape. There was a difference in species composition between the dams, but no difference in the CPUE between dams. For example, in Grey dam many species were present, but as the dam size is only one hectare, this would result in an estimated yield harvest of only 207 kg/ha/year. Anglers were encountered at all dams, although fish were only retrieved by anglers in the rural dams of Committees Drift. Dam usage in the rural area was mostly subsistence angling, and this was significantly greater than in the urban area. Subsistence fishers utilised the fish to sustain themselves and their families and for better livelihoods. Anglers from outside the area tended to utilise the dam for recreational angling.

Dams found in the urban area were also mostly used by subsistence anglers, though there were a few uses for aesthetic purposes. The urban dams were also utilised recreationally (picnics, year-end functions, swimming), as opposed to the rural dams which were only used for angling.

A total of 10 interviews were administered to key respondents in the form of a questionnaires to determine the importance of the fisheries to them. Catch documented from the questionnaires, interviews and logbooks constituted 1238 species and 978 020 kg. Of all the anglers encountered from the interviews, the gill net catch species varied by dam. The fate of fish caught by anglers was dependent on employment status, with most unemployed anglers selling their fish for income and most employed anglers consuming their catch. The findings show that dams were used mostly by small-scale fishers and recreational anglers.

Ichthyological surveys revealed that popular fish harvested were moggel, common carp,

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iii largemouth bass and Mozambique tilapia. The results are discussed in the context of appropriate development of fisheries in small dams in the province, with recommendations to continue monitored surveys to better inform the inland fisheries policy. The findings from this thesis show that having small scale fisheries in place and providing good access to the dams is essential for rural populations, in turn, providing better livelihoods through hunger alleviation and generating household income.

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Table 2.2. Summary of the physical parameters of 7 dams in the Eastern Cape Province, and the potential production and annual yield (after Marshall and Maes, 1984), range and standard error (SE) for water quality readings taken during the survey in the summer months of 2018 (November and December) and 2019 (January and February) in all seven study sites found in Committees Drift and Makhanda, Eastern Cape. Electrical conductivity (µS^-1), pH, temperature

°C and TDS. Dam data was retrieved from DWA Database (2019). Mean depth of Gowie Dam was estimated as there are no additional data………34 Table 2.3. Catch composition from six dams sampled in the Makana municipal area in November 2018 to February 2019. Sampling effort was 6 multi-meshed gill net nights and 8 fyke net nights per dam. As sampling was identical, samples for both gears were combined.37 Table 2.4. Catch composition, relative abundance and length structure of all species caught in seven dams situated in the Great Fish, Kariega and Settlers River systems using gill nets and fyke nets. Catch per unit effort (CPUE) is expressed as average ± SE (N and kg.net. night ^-1).39 Table 4.1. Catch composition by number and weigh for all five species encountered through the questionnaires, interviews and the logbooks administered throughout the study, except for Catfish as it was not encountered throughout the study, so no estimate could be made. * Catfish was not found throughout the study or by the other anglers but was entered by the angler in Ndlambe dam………70 Table 4.2. Demographic information obtained from key respondent interviews on the subsistence gill net anglers found in Committees Drift………72 Table 4.3. Demographic information (Race and gender were 100%) on the key respondents encountered in the questionnaire with the dominant species caught by gill net anglers in their respective dams. Race and gender were 100% for all the interviews. Nqwelo dam had no key respondents, only two anglers met during the creel survey*………72 Table 4.3. Species composition of fish by number and weight retrieved by gill net anglers in Committees Drift for the duration of the study from creel surveys………..73 Table 4.4. CPUE for entries received from book-logs and interviews of gill net fishers……73

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v List of Figures

Figure 1.1 The low inland fisheries capture globally to other sectors from 1950–2020 (adapted from FAO, 2020: The State of World Fisheries and Aquaculture: Sustainability)……….9 Figure 2.2. The study site of the three dams situated in Makhanda, a) Douglas dam, b) Grey dam and c) Gowie dam. Photo cred: G. Padare and N. Matam………26 Figure 2.3. The study site of four dams situated in Committees Drift, a) Sinqumeni dam, b) Mankazana dam, c) Ndlambe dam and d) Nqwelo dam. Photo cred: G.Padare and N.Matam..26 Figure 2.4. Gill net deployment. Photo credit: D.Khosa……….28 Figure 2.5. Double ended fyke net being deployed in a dam. Photo cred: D. Khosa………..29 Figure 2.6. Catch per unit effort (CPUE) for experimental gear a) fyke-net and b) gillnets set in 7 dams in the Eastern Cape Province between November 2018 and February 2019. Whiskers indicate interquartile range………...35 Figure 2.7. The catch composition of species sampled in a) fyke nets and b) gill nets deployed between November 2018 and February 2019………36 Figure 2.8. Linear regression of MEI and CPUE biomass across all dams……….38 Figure 3.1. Subsistence angler at Ndlambe dam catching moggel with a gill net on his small canoe……….49 Figure 3.2. The use of high technology spinning reel and graphite fishing rods at Sinqumeni dam………...50 Figure 3.3. Recreational anglers utilising vehicles and holding nets for fishing……….50 Figure 4.1. Diagram of a gillnet and its components ………..71

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vi List of abbreviations

CFE – Cape Fold Ecoregion CPUE – Catch per Unit Effort

DEFF – Department of Environment, Forestry and Fisheries DWA – Department of Water Affairs

FAO – Food and Agriculture Organization GDP – Gross Domestic Product

IFFS – Integrated Food Security Strategy

IUCN – International Union for Conservation of Nature MDB – Municipal Demarcation Board

MDG – Millennium Development Goals

MEDC – Medium economic developed countries MEI – Morpho -edaphic index

NDP – National Development Plan

NEMBA: BA – National Environmental Management: Biodiversity Act NT – Near threatened

RDP – Reconstruction and Development Plan

SAIAB – South African Institute for Aquatic Biodiversity SANBI – South African National Biodiversity Institute SANParks – South African National Parks

SAWS – South African Weather Services

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vii Appendices

Appendix 1. Creel survey questionnaire for Makana Fisheries Project Roving Creel Surveys.

Appendix 2. Survey questionnaire for Makana Fisheries Project

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This thesis is dedicated to Prof OLAF WEYL

(1972–2020)

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1 CHAPTER 1: General Introduction

1.1 INTRODUCTION

South Africa is considered to be a medium development country (MEDC) (World Bank, 2007), meaning that while its gross domestic product (GDP) is above the 90% threshold of its debt, it still suffers from poverty, unemployment, and food insecurity (Irons and Bivens, 2010;

Pescatori, Sandri and Simon, 2014). National poverty lines are at 57% for the population, with the Eastern Cape Province having the second highest level in the country (71%) (Stats SA, 2011). Therefore, poverty alleviation is a key challenge to be addressed by the government (Lehohla, 2017). The Reconstruction and Development Plan (RDP) is a crucial element of the National Development Plan (NDP), with the NDP’s goal to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality by 2030 (NDP 2011) being first on the agenda of the global Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (Nelson, 2007).

A core strategy for conquering poverty is to increase employment opportunities (Armstrong, Lekezwa and Siebrits, 2008). Increasing avenues into the labour market can assist in reducing the current unemployment rate, which was 28.48% according to a labour force survey in 2020 (Stats SA, 2020). The unemployment rate in South Africa has increased since the early 1990s (Kingdon and Knight, 2004; Kingdon and Knight, 2007), causing a negative effect upon economic welfare, crime, social instability, destruction of human capital and the gross production of the country (Kingdon and Knight, 2004). Unfortunately, without a strong development plan, or abundant and well managed natural and financial resources, many people are left bereft of income to supply them with basic needs. While the Integrated Food Security Strategy (IFSS), adopted by the Department of Environmental, Forestry and Fisheries (DEFF), sets South Africa as a food-secure country at national level, local-level analysis shows that there is significant lack of food security within the country (Arndt et al., 2020). Accordingly, developing inland fisheries could be a tangible solution to reduce the threat of low food security within South Africa (Weyl et al., 2020).

Fisheries are one of the most prevalent resources designed specifically for the alleviation of hunger problems, either directly or indirectly (Weyl et al., 2020). There are 38 million fishers in the world, roughly 90% of which are small-scale fishers who fish for personal consumption (Weyl et al., 2020). Inland fisheries contribute globally to poverty reduction, food security, as well as social benefits from recreational and cultural use (Béné et al., 2015; Lynch et al., 2016). The estimated capture for Africa is currently 3 million tonnes in live weight per

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2 year, which forms 25% of the global inland captures (FAO, 2020). Globally, inland fisheries harvest a wide variety of fish species from water bodies including rivers, lakes, reservoirs, streams, canals, wetlands, dams and other land-locked waters (Welcomme et al., 2010;

McCafferty et al., 2012; Lynch et al., 2015). One major constraint to developing South Africa’s inland fisheries, however, is the current lack of a formalised inland fisheries policy(Weyl et al., 2007).

As the value of inland fishery resources has become more widely acknowledged, the literature base has expanded accordingly in order to address and synthesise knowledge of the sector. Research on fresh water fisheries has thus been considered from multiple perspectives, including history (Britz, 2015), small-scale, commercial and recreational use (Cooke and Cowx, 2006)and ecological uses (Arlinghaus and Mehner, 2003; Smith et al., 2005). From a policy perspective freshwater fisheries research has focussed on the development of conceptual and implementation frameworks and unpacking the political and ecological implications of fresh water resource (fisheries) use (van Wilgen et al., 2020). Central to research on freshwater fisheries are aspects relating to emerging conflicts between livelihood needs, economic development, and ecological sustainability (Funge-Smith and Bennett, 2019). Evidence suggests these conflicts are likely to deepen with increasing population numbers and the corresponding growing need for food security in the face of dwindling resources (Scherr, 2000). Consequently, awareness of sustainable fisheries use and the subsequent design of fresh water fisheries use have become central in debates for promoting sustainable fisheries, from both a theoretical and practical perspective (Bennett, 2005; Grafton et al., 2006). Although freshwaters are still largely overlooked, or conflated with other biogeographical realms, they are not incorporated in major inland policy frameworks (Lynch et al., 2020; van Rees et al., 2020). A potential reason why these resources are overlooked could be due to their poor management strategies (Lynch et al., 2017).

Any natural resource under exploitation needs some level of management to ensure sustainability for the future, and management must be context-specific to be successful. The social justice perspective argues that local people have the right to use resources within their localities (Drew et al., 2011). This is a potent argument, especially within contexts where local communities were historically denied access to these resources due to discriminatory conservation and water management policies, such as under the apartheid regime in South Africa. Fisheries resources, however, appear to be insufficient to support the livelihood requirements of a growing human population (as opposed to subsistence and food provisioning

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3 requirements) (Glazewski, 2019). With growing social calls to make access to fisheries a human right, this should result in more stringent management strategies. In order to overcome the challenge of reconciling competing demands for fisheries, there must be a more comprehensive understanding of ecological dynamics (distribution, abundance and diversity), livelihood aspects and governance complexities of inland fisheries (Hauck, 2008). Research on freshwater fisheries has increased, with a focus on critical social issues including extractive use, livelihoods, ownership and governance aspects; however, impetus has been on large-scale commercial fisheries rather than on small-scale inland fisheries (Johnston et al., 2012; Kolding and Zwieten, 2014).

Inland fisheries at a global scale

Globally, inland fisheries’ yields are estimated to be 12 million tonnes (FAO 2020), while Lymer et al. (2016) estimate the global theoretical annual inland yield and harvest from inland waters to be around 72 million tonnes, presenting visible uncertainties on the actual yields of the fisheries. These yields are important, in Africa especially, as they present an untapped and largely unmanaged resource, and thus a possible pathway towards alleviating poverty and ensuring food security (Brockington et al., 2006; Béné et al. 2015; Lynch et al.

2015). Small-scale inland fisheries, especially among rural communities, can provide both food and generate cash income as people are able to sell the fish that they do not consume (Sowman et al., 2014). The potential contribution of fisheries to livelihoods for small-scale needs and cash income generation can contribute to the local gross domestic product, which in turn can ensure higher levels of food security, which could minimise the burden on local government to ensure livelihood security. However, for this livelihood strategy to be effective, people need to have access to water bodies such as dams and have suitable equipment to harvest fish resources in an ecologically sustainable manner (Ellender et al., 2009, 2010a; McCafferty et al., 2012).

In South Africa, the history of inland fisheries has not been systematically documented (Britz, 2015) and there is limited recent information available to fill the gap on the lack of recent and comprehensive data on inland fisheries, despite multiple studies highlighting the gap in literature (Weyl et al., 2007; Ellender et al., 2010b). Current knowledge is based on work done between 1990 and 2011 (McCafferty et al., 2012) but with fast-growing changes in economic, social and ecological contexts, these data need to be updated to better inform inland-fisheries management policies.

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4 Another key aspect that is necessary in informing better management policies is the location of the fisheries and the user-conflicts that arise from the said communities. User conflicts often arise when there are no set rules or guidelines on how the fisheries should function (Brownscombe et al., 2019). Communal rights versus open access are critical issue faced by many rural communities that are run by the Chief. These conflicts between land tenure are often bought about by lack of information within the community (Britz et al., 2015). This is because the community members are not sure about communal rights or who owns the fisheries. Other user conflicts often arise between recreational anglers, small-scale anglers and/or commercial fishers for specific species or the time the anglers have access to the same fishing area.

A critical opportunity thus exists to articulate research progress and gaps and to strengthen scholarship in the field. The aim of this introductory chapter is therefore to: (1) provide a summary of the knowledge available on inland fisheries in South Africa, (2) offer insights into future research and management prospects, taking into account the socio-political contexts of inland fisheries use and governance in the Eastern Cape Province, and (3) introduce the contents of the thesis.

1.1.1 History of inland fisheries in South Africa

Much of the literature regarding South African inland fisheries was reviewed by McCafferty et al. (2012) and Britz (2015). I have compiled a short synopsis of their reviews; these are the only reviews on the subject conducted in the last decade, a testimony to the lack of inland fisheries research and documentation in South Africa.

The management of South Africa’s inland fisheries dates back to the 19th century (Britz, 2015). The government attempted its first legislation in the 1980s, aimed at developing marine and inland fisheries by redirecting the focus from stocking of alien species for angling to conservation of indigenous fish species (Britz, 2015). At this time there were very few publications on the translocations of fish species or the legislation that governed them. The only information that was available was evidence of steady adverse impacts as a result of alien species in the environment (Skelton, 1987; Cambray, 2003).

In the early part of the 18th century the government wanted to introduce and establish non-native freshwater angling species for the recreational sport fishing economy (Harrison, 1959). The focus of these legislations was the introduction of non-native species into local

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5 waters. The introduction of non-native fishes started with Law 21 of 1884 provided for the introduction of trout, which was later revised as the Fish Protection Act (Act 15 of 1893) (Alletson, 1997). This was specifically not intended to be a development of the fishery for the improvement of human livelihoods (Thompson, 1913), rather, the focus of this Act was to develop recreational fisheries, and the two pieces of legislation neglected recommendations for sustainable resource use.

The Fish Protection Act (Act 15 of 1893) included fishing rights and areas, prescribed fishing licence fees, and provided for research and other ways to promote inland fishery development (Anon, 1944). In the Cape (now Western and Eastern Cape provinces) and Natal (now KwaZulu Natal Province) colonies, trout was introduced for recreational angling (Anon, 1944; Alleston, 1997). After a period of 50 years, the public sector established the Natal Fisheries Board in 1932 (Alleston, 1997) and a little later, the Cape Provinces Inland Fisheries Division in 1942 (Anon, 1944). In 1942 South Africa became a union, and the Joint Provincial Inland Fisheries Advisory Board was formed (Anon, 1944). Then in 1947, Natal established the Natal Parks Game and Fish Preservation Board, which promoted angling access to the general public, with trout and bass being the main species (Alleston, 1997). South Africa formed the Inland Fisheries Division in 1950, which was later renamed the Department of Nature Conservation in 1952 (Hey, 1977). In the mid-1980s, South Africa’s priorities shifted from the stocking of alien fish species for angling to the conservation of South Africa’s indigenous fish (Hamman, 1986). The Department of Nature Conservation became the Department of Environmental Affairs in the 1990s and its focus moved from conservation to the management of invasive species under the guidance of the National Environmental Management Biodiversity Act (Act 10 of 2004), which included several legislative instruments established to deal with managing non-native invasive species (Britz, 2015).

Comprehensive knowledge of both native and non-native species’ ecology and uses is required for effective fisheries management (Weyl and Cowley, 2015). This type of management is necessary to control access and biological sustainability, and to ensure continued economic benefits for both local communities and the national economy (McCafferty et al., 2012). In addition, robust fisheries’ dependent and independent data pertaining to the demography of participants, fishing effort and catch are fundamental requirements if fisheries are to be managed in a biologically and socially sustainable manner (Weyl et al., 2020). Thus, the need for an Inland policy was established by Weyl et al. (2007) to assist with the management of all the uncertainties surrounding the sector. To date, DEFF

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6 has started the process of formulating the National Freshwater (Inland) Wild Capture Fisheries Policy, and such information would help to better inform policy objectives such as the

‘Ecosystem Approach to Fisheries’, which supports the ecological and sustainable use of natural resources to obtain economic and social development (Weyl et al., 2020).

Inland fisheries development in South Africa

In South Africa inland fisheries are under ongoing development, but there are major data gaps which are needed to further develop the sector (McCafferty et al., 2012). This includes the evaluation of current use, studying the history of the sector, reviewing governance of the sector and documenting catch and effort data (Weyl et al., 2020). Within South Africa many inland fish monitoring initiatives have failed, as have the formalisation of inland fisheries; this, combined with unmonitored harvesting of fisheries resources, has resulted in many undocumented fisheries data or incomplete catch and effort databases (McCafferty et al., 2012). Certain initiatives, such as catch restrictions, have been implemented, including permits and subsistence licences, however, enforcement is both lacking and impractical due to the lack of human management capacity (Barkhuizen et al., 2016). For example, licences have been issued to both subsistence and commercial fisheries, but enforcement and monitoring are focused on commercial ventures due to limited human resources and feasibility (Barkhuizen et al., 2016).

Fishing is assumed to increase the economic value of the country (DEFF, 2020), for example, the introduction of farmed Tilapia production in Uganda (Asche et al., 2021), although this value is not always realised, and indeed, the trends can be obscured by incomplete datasets. Total harvesting of freshwater fish is perceived to be very limited in South Africa (Ellender et al., 2010a). The general notion is accepted that inland fisheries are used mainly on a leisure and societal basis rather than on a professional level (Weyl et al., 2020 b). One of the challenges faced is that information on small scale fisheries (catch, employment etc) is often not recorded, cannot be retrieved or seen and therefore are omitted from national and global datasets, and thus often side-lined in policy making processes; this is also known as a hidden harvest (Lynch et al., 2020). The World Bank, FAO and the WorldFish centre’s Hidden Harvests study (World Bank et al., 2012) use a variety of alternative fish-yield assessment approaches to evaluate fish harvest accompanying national (or FAO) statistics. Comparative estimates of fish abundance are often poorly derived, not only due to limited availability of human and financial resources, but also due to a lack of standardisation in the assessment

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7 approaches (Cooke et al., 2016). This leads to the prevailing perception that current resource use is low and dominated by recreational users, which may not account for the actual and realised total use of fishery resources. Inland fisheries development represents a potential vehicle for bolstering socio-economic benefits, including job creation, rural livelihoods, food security and poverty alleviation (DEFF, 2019). To do this successfully, however, requires comprehensive information on the current utilisation of fisheries across all stakeholders and user bases, lest an inland fishery policy is created which does not provide for historically overlooked users.

The demographic characteristics for fishers found in a study done in the Free State revealed that anglers were comprised of White South African anglers ≥ 60%, Coloured South African anglers ≥ 25% and Black South African anglers ≤ 16% for recreational anglers, while Coloured South African anglers ≥ 84% and Black South Africans 16% made up subsistence fisheries users (Ellender et al., 2009), despite the demographic of the province being overwhelmingly Black South African. Another study within the same province found that both recreational and subsistence fisheries used the same fisheries (Ellender et al., 2010). The anglers encountered in all studies were comprised of ≥ 90% males across the race spectrum.

However, this study did not reveal what the primary uses of the fishery are, as results pertained only to the two dominant user groups and the dominant gender. The fact that subsistence anglers were using the resources regularly suggests that inland fisheries may well be effective in achieving the objectives set out by DEFF to ensure rural livelihoods, with no current studies done to suggest otherwise. Extrapolating whether the fisheries are being used mainly for recreational purposes or directly for sustenance or indirectly for economic enhancement is essential to be able to create effective policy which manages the resource sustainability. A viable method of achieving this information is through deriving catch and effort data for inland fisheries by way of fishery-dependent surveys (Latzka et al., 2013).

Studies on Inland fisheries done in South Africa

Catch and effort counts, and trends therein, of freshwater fish harvests are needed for accurate fisheries management, as this provides data on resource availability to a certain community, the species being harvested and the rate of harvesting for sustainability purposes (Young et al., 2006). Most traditional fisheries assessment models tend to focus on patterns of growth, and/or survival of fish as well as behavioural models to help understand stock dynamics on a broader scale (Alonzo and Mangel, 2004). For a quantitative assessment to

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8 occur, robust catch and effort estimates are integral, as they describe the amount caught over a particular period of time. This can then be used to determine total productivity and yield of a water body and to calculate from this a recommendation for total allowable catch (Sutherland, 1998). Fisheries total catches have been declining since the early 1990s (King, 2013). Not only are the catches decreasing but the size of the individual fish in catches are becoming smaller (Cowx and Walters, 2002), which negatively impacts the species’ spawning biomass (Alonzo and Mangel, 2004). Therefore, long term data and monitoring plans should be implemented to track ecologically significant changes in fish populations, as this can be affected by both harvest rates and environmental changes (Ayllón et al., 2020).

In South Africa, few studies have captured inland fisheries harvest, resulting in low estimates of capture quantity nationally (Figure 1.1). Lake Gariep, the largest impoundment in South Africa, has been the subject of most South African estimates captured at a national level.

In one of the few long-term studies quantifying harvests, Lake Gariep was found to provide a total harvest of 282 t‧year¹ over a 35-year period, with the dam providing between 2–207 t‧year¹ for commercial fisheries (Ellender et al., 2010; Barkhuizen et al., 2016). Another study at Lake Gariep focused on the user group dynamics, utilising questionnaires and interviews. The social surveys revealed a range of between 3–15 anglers per day^-1 in one sampling survey and 17–44 anglers per day^-1 in another, but no catch or effort data was recorded (Ellender et al. 2009). A cheap and reliable method to assess productivity is to use tournament angler data to calculate catch rates and effort count (Hargrove et al., 2015). Van der Waal (2000) assessed fishery use in the Mutshindudi River catchment in the Limpopo province to show the contribution of the river to food security and the possibility of rural development. However, once again, no harvest data was recorded. These methodological and data oversights have resulted in a lack of comprehensive and inclusive fish harvest data within the country.

Fishing has proven to be one of the most cost-efficient ways in which to obtain protein, which is required for human growth and development, especially among the young (Allan et al., 2005). Inland water bodies provide ecosystem services by way of tangible benefits such as water for human consumption, irrigation, livestock and fisheries which contribute to food security, as well as other indirect benefits which help to alleviate poverty and increase quality of life (Welcomme, 2008; Sterner et al., 2020). For example, commercial harvesting of the fish for drug manufacture may be derived from certain fish species, and ecosystem dynamics as a result of ecosystem engineer species may alter water quality parameters (Allison and Ellis, 2001; Béné et al., 2015). Inland fisheries within rural and urban communities are often utilised

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9 by several groups, ranging from recreational anglers, small-scale fishers and commercial fisheries. In South Africa, the first two use groups are the most dominant of the three.

Community-based management is often used in the management of these fisheries, which in many cases results in user conflicts arising within the communities (Bishop, 1980; Napier et al., 2005). These conflicts are based mostly on the notion of ownership, availability of suitable species and lack of management (i.e., sustainability of the resource), all of which must be resolved for any formal fishery initiatives to succeed. Ownership of land and water has been a long-standing problem in South Africa, due to the history of the country where the majority of land was owned by white South Africans (Hamilton, 1982).

To be able to incorporate inland fisheries development objectives, the inland fisheries mandate was included within the Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries in 2009 (now the Department of Environmental, Forestry and Fisheries, DEFF). This renewed interest in developing inland fisheries is demonstrated by the Draft National Freshwater (Inland) Wild Capture Fisheries Policy (DEFF, 2019). The policy includes a section on the profile of inland fisheries in South Africa, which includes small-scale fisheries, recreational fisheries, culture- based fisheries and fishing permits, among other factors. It also includes a much broader section which details the national inland fishery policy framework as well as the policy implementation section. Both are of utmost importance toward developing appropriate Figure 1.1 The low inland fisheries capture globally to other sectors from 1950–2020 (adapted from FAO, 2020: The State of World Fisheries and Aquaculture: Sustainability).

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10 management strategies which promote the capacity of inland fisheries to contribute to achieving the sustainable development goals (SDGs) of poverty reduction and achieving zero hunger (Lynch et al., 2020; Weyl et al., 2020). While in South Africa attainment of the SDGs has been slowly deteriorating, practices are in place in an attempt to restore them little by little, including land reform. This is a crucial step in developing equal distribution and access of natural resources, especially in the South African context, as this economic benefit can help uplift and transform historically deprived communities.

The legacy of the South African apartheid era has persisted post-apartheid, causing much uncertainty regarding land ownership and human rights (du Plessis, 2011). During the apartheid era various land reform and redistribution programmes were formed through the land tenure system. Communal land was located in rural areas, which covered 13% (about 18 million ha) of South African land (Thompson, 2001). Most of this land is found in Mpumalanga, KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape, with all citizens having rights to the communal land (du Plessis, 2011). This communal land was divided into bantustans, based on language and culture, namely, Bophuthatswana for the Tswanas, Venda for the Vendas, and Transkei and Ciskei for the Xhosas (now part of the Eastern Cape) (Khunou, 2009). The bantustans had pseudo-rights based to a governance system of chiefdoms who answered to the government as political pawns, however, they were crippled in terms of autonomy and finances, which only entrenched the inequalities within black communities (Pires and Moreto, 2011). Most land was and is owned by the government, although statutory recognition of rural communities as collective owners of the land they reside in is slowly emerging through land reform (du Plessis, 2001).

Categorisation of the land rights in South Africa

At present, land is categorised into what is called land tenures, which can be defined as the relationship (legally or customary) among people, as individuals or groups, with respect to land (FAO, 2002; Adams et al., 2007). These are divided into four categories, namely, private, communal, open access and state-owned properties (du Plessis, 2001). Private land tenure is the consignment of rights to a private party (FAO, 2002). This can be to an individual, a group of people, a community, government, and so on. Consent is needed from those that hold the rights to be able to use the land. Communal land is a right of commons that may exist within a community, and each member of the community has the right to independently use the land (Clark and Luwaya, 2017). An example is an individual who is a member of said community

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11 using a communal field to graze their cattle, but a member of a different community would not have access. In contrast, in open access land tenure there are no rights assigned to anyone and no-one can be excluded from using the common areas (FAO, 2002).

State owned rights in rural communities are left in the custodianship of the leaders of those communities such as Chief Zwelizihlangene Maxinana of kwaPikoli homestead in Committeess Drift, who help to manage the land on behalf of the state or government. Access to communal land is therefore semi open, unless the community specifically creates an organised system to control it, based on the Communal Land Rights Act of 2004, which allows the ownership to be transferred from the state to groups, individuals or communities (Cousins, 2007). This might be through the chief, headsman, a community leader or Tribal Authority (Cousins and Classens, 2004). In South Africa, dams fall under state and communal tenure systems, which means that all members of the community have the right to utilise the ecosystem services such as fisheries, irrigation water, grazing pasture and so on (Clark and Luwaya, 2017). This means that the local community has what is called user rights (they can utilise the land), but does not have the right to transfer, sell or lease out the land (FAO, 2002).

Historical inequalities only serve to increase current inequalities and levels of need or reliance on the ecosystem services, especially when they are entrenched in policy regarding physical location, and thus it is an insidious and multiplicative problem (Ellender et al., 2009).

The segregation of the resources was a deliberate endeavour by the apartheid government to control all ecosystem services within the country and to repress people (King, 2007). Thus, the local traditional communities did not have control rights and only limited user rights, whilst the Afrikaner minority had total user and control rights to the majority of the natural resources (Thornton et al., 1989). For many years, some historically disadvantaged communities were unable to utilize local resources despite their direct dependence on them for food, sanitation or income generation. Local communities residing in former homelands are mostly disadvantaged citizens who are directly dependent on the natural resources found on these lands for food, grazing, water consumption and fishing, yet under the Bantustan system they were prohibited access to the areas which contained their means to live (Costello-Nichitas, 1987). There have been some legislative changes post the apartheid era. One of the changes was the demolishing of homelands, however, for the communities that live in these areas many of the economic conditions under which they lived still remain, such as the use of natural resources for food and the dependency on livestock (Kemerink et al., 2011). In the current context of inland fisheries, access to the fishery in Lake Gariep was controlled through a minimal entry fee and permits

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12 (Ellender et al., 2009), which is currently no longer the case (DEFF, 2019). The legal aspect of local control rights may no longer be in place, but the historical problems are still present due to the lack of management of fisheries resources (Cooke et al., 2021b). Historical patterns in land ownership and segregation-based policies have left South African inland fisheries subject to complex user dynamics. The most dominant users of inland fisheries in South Africa are recreational anglers and small-scale fisheries (Weyl and Cowley, 2015; Barkhuizen et al., 2017). Both these user groups contributed 41% and 51% respectively in total fishing effort in the Free State Province in 2010 (Ellender et al., 2010a), a trend which is likely reflected across the entire country’s fishing effort. In South Africa, ten years ago most recreational anglers were White South Africans, and small-scale subsistence level anglers were predominantly black African South Africans and Coloured South Africans (Ellender et al., 2009), and today the situation is still the same (Hara et al., 2021) Thus, understanding who is using which fishery and why, is necessary to develop the sector in an unbiased and effective manner. A particular emphasis on user rights and access to well managed resources is integral in order to start to ameliorate historic damage and promote economic enhancement. Factors (such as catch data, effort data, angler demographics and so on) which are paramount in understanding these inland water bodies, have been highlighted by Weyl et al. (2020), and will help to support the National Freshwater (Inland) Wild Capture Policy currently being formulated.

1.1.2 Small-scale fisheries

Small-scale fisheries can contribute towards the ‘sustainable livelihood approach’ in developing countries (Allison and Ellis, 2001; FAO, 2003). South Africa has specifically adopted the economic contribution of small-scale fisheries as a tool for poverty alleviation (Sowman, 2006; Sowman et al., 2014). Consequently, South African small-scale fisheries have now been formalised and recognised by the government through the Marine small scale fisheries policy and the current draft Inland policy (Sowman, 2006; Weyl et al., 2020). This is timely as increasing poverty rates mean that people are more reliant upon small-scale fisheries, which provide concomitant socioeconomic subsidies to local and informal economies in a largely currently undocumented manner (Weyl and Cowley, 2015).

Small-scale anglers are individuals who live close to the water body, use basic forms of transportation and use artisanal type fishing gear. Generally, these fishers are dependent on fisheries for food and for a primary or supplementary source of income (Britz et al., 2015).

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13 Consequently, the number of people using inland water resources are growing at an increasing rate, including impoundments (Weyl et al., 2007; Ellender et al., 2009; McCafferty et al., 2012;

Barkhuizen, 2016). Small-scale fisheries are more informal, and users are often not formally recognised by the government (Sowman, 2006), and this could account for the lack of catch data availability. The increased usage by small-scale fishers is important (Weyl and Cowley, 2015), and is positive for the local economy. However, this industry cannot reach its full potential due to a lack of visible clear roads to reach the dams by potential fishers and the cost of fishing gear, and these are thus impediments to the ‘sustainable livelihood approach’.

Widespread lack of access to fishing gear is a possible factor in the failure of South African attempts to use inland fisheries for poverty alleviation (McCafferty et al., 2012). This opens the possibility for exploration of readily available fishing gear. Gill net fishing has been used in countries such as Greece and the Philippines (Stergiou and Politou, 1996), however, gill nets are associated with high by-catch rates (Ortiz et al., 2016). There are increasing reports of the initiation of small-scale fisheries using gill nets in several provinces of South Africa, such as the North-West, Western Cape and the Free State (Weyl et al., 2007; Weyl and Barkhuizen, 2020). Gill net angling is largely used in small-scale fisheries, rather than recreational angling (Britz et al., 2015). In order to be able to develop fisheries, a look into recreational angling needs to be considered, as it constitutes about 60% of catch data (Mannheim et al., 2018).

1.1.3 Recreational angling

Recreational anglers are individuals who fish in bodies of water for leisure, generally access the water body by car, have permanent employment and may release, consume or sell a portion of their catch (Ellender et al., 2009; Weyl et al., 2017). Recreational angling is a widespread activity globally, in both freshwater inland water bodies and marine environments (Cowx, 2002; Arlinghaus and Cooke, 2009). It is associated with mostly natural and cultural values which add to human well-being, capacity building and knowledge transfer (Lynch et al., 2015). Recreational anglers could be considered to constitute a form of formalised fishery because individual anglers are usually affiliated to a formal organisation or management structure (Granek et al., 2008). This involves the payment of membership fees to their respective clubs and or payment of licences, which generate income. Growth in this sector has added positively to the GDP of most countries. There is a growing belief that not all recreational

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14 anglers fish solely for recreation. While most of the fish caught are released shortly thereafter, some keep the fish for consumption (Cooke and Suski, 2005).

These activities can provide catch data information for most inland water bodies through recorded tournament data. Recreational fishers are often highly engaged in citizen science efforts and follow given appropriate protocols for data capture. There is the potential to leverage this accumulated body of knowledge to generate high powered yet cheap data regarding water quality, fish health, and productivity, despite recreational fishing generally being considered a leisure sport (van der Waal., 2000; Taylor et al., 2015).

1.1.4 Fisheries development

Quantifying and understanding the sociological and ecological interacting factors which drive fishery persistence will enable policy to be developed in a rational and sustainable manner (Mc Cafferty et al., 2012). A guideline for attaining this follows. First, effort estimation should occur through creel surveys and angler counts (Barkhuizen et al., 2017), second, participation estimates and user information should be derived through semi-structured interviews, and third, species composition and abundance should be assessed via field surveys (Ellender et al., 2010). Possible fisheries recommendations for South Africa are grouped into four different categories, namely, community-managed subsistence fishery, commercial fishery, recreational fishery and open-access fishery (Weyl et al., 2007).

Various initiatives have been attempted by the South African government with regards to inland fisheries management and sector development (DEFF, 2019). For example, the government attempted to establish formalised fisheries in Xonxa dam, Lubisi dam, Lake Gariep, Lake Van der Kloof, Darlington dam and Ntenetyana dam. All these initiatives failed to establish a formalised fisheries unit, leaving many people without employment and without any usable catch and effort data recorded, making the initial objectives obsolete (Rouhani, 2003; Mc Cafferty et al., 2012; Britz, 2015). Reasons for the failure of these initiatives are not documented, but only assumed, with the blame attributed to a lack of fishing equipment, low value of the resource and a cultural resistance to fishing (Charles, 2001; McCafferty et al., 2012). There are also rising management concerns that these commercial and small-scale fisheries might threaten endangered fish populations (Charles et al., 2000). All of these conflicting factors have prompted the government to start a formalised Inland Fisheries Policy to try and better manage the resource.

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15 1.1.5 Fisheries Policy

The current policy frameworks available for fisheries in South Africa only give an overview of the inland fisheries sector. The aim of this policy development is to be able to align inland fishery governance with the constitutional requirements for a sustainable development approach to natural resource utilization for the benefit of all citizens (DEFF, 2019). Another objective of the policy, aligned to the constitution, aims to secure ecologically sustainable development and use of natural resources, while promoting justifiable economic and social development (Constitution, Section 24 b (iii)). The primary objectives of the policy are to develop fisheries governance in the country, as none currently exists, to promote equity among fishery resources that will enable them to be utilised in a sustainable manner, and to grow the inland fisheries value chain. This is all in line with the FAO 2030 SDG goals (Lynch et al., 2020) and South Africa’s National Development plan in fighting poverty and hunger.

Combining the history of the fishing sector and the current use of fisheries resources and aligning these data with the estimated harvests and governance currently available, could assist in creating a more concise fisheries development (Weyl et al., 2020).

There is, however, very little information available with which to guide the development of inland fisheries (McCafferty et al., 2012). Information on specific management objectives tailored for the entire range of stakeholder groups is currently non-existent, and therefore must be addressed as an imperative to encourage equitable development. The information that is available indicates that developing the inland fisheries sector will not be easy. An analysis of the history of formal fisheries in the Free State Province demonstrated that most of these initiatives were unsuccessful (Barkhuizen et al., 2017). Most formal interventions have failed in South Africa due to lack of equipment, no clear useable road leading to the fisheries and a lack of suitable species to exploit (Mc Cafferty et al., 2012). In addition, a lack of skills to manage and operate a fishery successfully was indicated to be a major constraint to small-scale fisheries development (Isaacs, 2006). As a result, most utilisation of inland fisheries in South Africa remains informal, in the form of angling for recreation, food and personal livelihoods (Ellender et al., 2010).

The knowledge gaps holding back inland fisheries development in South Africa can be thus summarised as (i) catch rates, fishing effort and yields, (ii) the failure of formalised small-

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16 scale fisheries to develop, iii) user-conflicts between fisheries user groups and (iv) community- based management dynamics of ownership and self-governance (Weyl et al., 2020).

1.1.6 Thesis aims, objectives and structure

The primary aim of this thesis is to better understand how people use small dams in urban and rural settings in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. To do this, I selected 7 dams in Makhanda and Committees Drift in the Makana municipal area. To represent dams in a rural (Committees Drift) and an urban (Makhanda) area, fisher surveys were conducted to describe fish species composition, human activity and fish utilisation from these dams.

In CHAPTER 2 I used data from fisheries surveys to describe the fish communities in these dams, to test the hypothesis that species composition was similar between the various dams within an area.

In CHAPTER 3, the results from effort surveys and roving creel surveys were used to present a comparison of the demographics of dam users between the rural and urban areas, and for what purposes people used these resources. Interview data were used to describe the demography of fishers using the dams, and catches were quantified to estimate harvests by anglers.

During the creel surveys the existence of a small gill net fishery in the Committees Drift dams was discovered. This fishery is described in CHAPTER 4, with details on the management practices and harvests from the fishery.

The final Chapter (CHAPTER 5) is a discussion chapter on the utility and future prospects of small fisheries in rural areas. I make suggestions for how such fisheries should be integrated into small-scale capture fisheries policy.

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17 CHAPTER 2: Fish species composition and relative abundance in three urban and four rural dams in the Eastern Cape

2.1 INTRODUCTION

Small-scale fisheries in South Africa are touted as avenues for food security, and contribute to improving rural livelihoods (Charles et al., 2000; DEFF Capture (Inland) Policy, 2020). The value of inland fisheries within the Eastern Cape is largely neglected, despite the varied fish species composition found within the province (Whitfield and Paterson, 2003). As detailed in Chapter 1, the development of these fisheries would need to be carefully planned to ensure that such fisheries are biologically, socially and economically sustainable. The use of fisheries has slowly increased over the past two decades with an increase in small-scale fisheries and the development of alternative management approaches for these resources, as opposed to conventional approaches which have clearly failed to address the complex needs and dynamics of South African inland fisheries (Table 2.1). Colonial and western approaches have proven to be untenable for the sustainability of small-scale fisheries in South Africa, and it is possible that the use of traditional management and indigenous knowledge bases could lead to prosperous and sustainable fisheries worldwide (Charles et al., 2000; Reid et al., 2020).

Table 2.1. Conventional approaches and new approaches of inland fisheries on a global scale (reproduced from Sowman et al., 2011).

Conventional approach New approach Single-species approach Ecosystem approach

Biophysical focus Holistic (socio-ecological) approach

Centralised Decentralised and devolved

Command and control Enabling and empowering

Reactive Proactive

Regulatory Incentive-based

Sectoral Integrated and coordinated

Technocratic Participatory

Blueprint Adaptative learning process

Technical solutions Context specific solutions

Scientific knowledge systems Recognition of other knowledge systems Reliance on quantitative data Incorporation of qualitative interpretation

Failure of the new approaches (Table 2.1) is mostly attributed to a lack of implementation of policies, and mismanagement of the sector (Sowman, 2011). For fisheries to provide benefits to communities, feasibility studies need to be completed on the fisheries and subsequent predictions made prior to management recommendations, in order to validate the sector. The validation of small-scale fisheries is slowly evolving into a complex socio-ecological system

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18 which now sees fisheries as a web of inter-related, ecological, biophysical, economic, social and cultural components (Anthony, 2001). Each component within the sector needs to be addressed to provide for a better understanding and study of the fisheries as a water resource in its entirety. Due to the drought cycle throughout South Africa, fisheries resources are endangered in most parts of the Eastern Cape, as water becomes prioritised for human consumption in such cases (Rouault and Richard, 2003; Baudoin et al., 2017). Rather than considering only the social or ecological aspects of inland fisheries, we must start considering them as interlinked components which will ultimately control and drive the need, use and system productivity; these cannot be managed separately but as one system, and thus the data must be representative of all users and factors (Reid et al., 2020).

To guide this process Weyl et al. (2007) recommended the use of a decision-support matrix to help managers decide what scale and which management regime would be appropriate in the South African context. This decision-making framework requires information on biological (productivity, species composition and abundance) and social (current users, access rights, willingness for development) considerations to make recommendations on whether fisheries would be best suited for subsistence, recreational or small-scale commercial use. On assessment, future management can be directed towards developing either small-scale or recreational fisheries.

Small-scale fisheries could either be of a subsistence or commercial nature.

Commercial fisheries use artisanal gear such as gill nets and long lines and this approach is recommended for waterbodies where predicted fish yields are likely to exceed 50 Mg/yr, and where fish communities include species that have a proven ability to support fisheries elsewhere (e.g., Mozambique tilapia Oreochromis mossambicus, common carp Cyprinus carpio) and where there is limited potential for fisheries to impact on conservation priority species (Weyl et al., 2007). Appropriate fisheries can be present where there are formalised agreements about the use of the fisheries (Arlinghaus, 2002; McCafferty et al., 2012), sufficient suitable species upon which to base a fishery, appropriate access rights to fisheries resources by the community (Weyl et al., 2007; McCafferty et al., 2012) and an abundance of skills to execute the fishery successfully (Isaacs, 2006).

Small scale subsistence fisheries are recommended in areas where there is limited capacity for formal enterprise, either because fish yields are likely to be low, or because the area lacks potential for recreational fisheries development. The conditions of this fishery would be the same as for that of recreational anglers, the difference being that a recreational angler

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19 either releases their catch back to the water body or keeps them for consumption. A recreational fishery would be advisable to start where 1) the required yield would be < 50 t/ty or < 100 t/

year based on any MEI (Morpho-edaphic index used as a first estimate of potential fish yield) model applied, 2) the location has pre-existing recreational usage and a local interest towards developing further tourism, or 3) is situated close to a nature reserve with an associated local community (Weyl et al., 2007). Recreational fisheries are recommended for dams which contain popular angling species. The chief native fish species of angling interest include the moggel Labeo umbratus (Smith, 1841), the yellowfish Labeobarbus (Burchell, 1822), the long fin eel Anguilla mossambica and the Mozambique Tilapia Oreochromis mossambicus.

However, the predominant recreational target species are all non-native species in South Africa, having been introduced primarily for sport fishery enhancement (Weyl and Cowley, 2015). While the introduction of non-native fish species in South Africa was intended to confer socio-economic benefits, these species have negative implications for native biodiversity (Ellender and Weyl, 2014; Weyl et al., 2020). Many non-native species were introduced into South Africa in the early 19th century for recreational purposes, including Common carp Cyprinus carpio (Linnaus. 1758), largemouth bass Micropterus salmoides (Lacepѐde 1802) and small mouth bass M. dolomieu, spotted bass Micropterus punctulatus (Rafinesque 1819), Oncorhynchus mykiss and Salmo trutta (Ellender et al., 2014; Ellender and Weyl, 2014; Weyl and Cowley, 2015). A total of 55 non-native fish species were recorded between 1926–2013 in South Africa (Ellender and Weyl, 2014). Globally, and within South Africa, more studies assessing ecological and socioeconomic impact, both positive and negative, need to be performed to inform further management options (Simberloff, 2005, 2006b; Weyl et al., 2020).

2.1.1 Eastern Cape

There are a large number of fish species present in the Eastern Cape, both native and non- native (van der Waal and Skelton, 1984). This is due to the large geographical range and number of ecoregions encompassed within the province. There is an overarching freshwater ecoregion in the Eastern Cape, the Southern Temperate Highveld, which is further divided into the Amatole–Winterberg Highlands and the Zambezian Lowveld ecoregion.

The Southern Temperate ecoregion comprises most of the Eastern Cape, with the Northern border being the Drakensberg Mountains (Shelton et al., 2018). The Southern temperate region is a grassland biome, with generally cold and dry winters (Carbutt et al.,

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20 2011). Topographically, the landscape of the region varies from flat to hills and valleys with a mountainous escarpment with elevation ranges of 300–3482 mm. Seasonal summer rainfall of the region varies from 400–2500 mm per annum (SAWS, 2020), running into a variety of streams, river and dams. The largest river found in the ecoregion is the Orange River system, including its two tributaries the Caledon and the Vaal rivers (Cambray et al., 1986). The ecoregion extends to the south of the Eastern Cape, where the coastal rivers are further divided into types, with the largest systems extending from inland water sources (Gamtoos, Sundays, Great Fish and the Kei River systems (Skelton, 1980). The Amatole-Winterberg Highlands lies in a low-altitude coastal plain area and includes headwaters from the Buffalo River, the lower Great Fish, the Keiskamma and the Swart Kei (Hughs and Hughs, 1992). The Zambezian lowveld runs from the south of the Zambezi Delta in Mozambique towards the Tugela River system in South Africa (Timberlake, 1998). There is also a small portion of the Cape Fold Ecoregion (CFE) found in the Eastern Cape province, although most of it is situated in the Western Cape of South Africa (Abell et al., 2008). Rivers that are supported by the erratic rainfalls in this region include the Great Fish, Sundays, Kowie and Bushman’s rivers (Van Nieuwenhuizen and Day, 2000).

2.1.2 Eastern Cape fish fauna

Both native and invasive fish species are found broadly distributed throughout the catchments in these ecoregions. About thirty indigenous species are found in this ecoregion, eleven of which are endemic, with a further eleven being critically endangered, three endangered and one near threatened (Skelton, 1987). Several threatened species are found within the Great Fish River system. The majority of these inhabit protected areas (Skelton et al., 1995) such as the Eastern Cape rocky Sandelia bainsi (found in four river systems in the Eastern Cape), the border barb (Barbus trevlyyani), the rock catfish (Austroglanis sclateri) and the Treur River barb (Barbus treurensis). Other native fish species found in the Great Fish River system include the African longfin eel Anguilla mossambica, Mozambique Tilapia O.

mossambicus and Cyprinids such as the moggel Labeo umbratus, and G. callidus (Skelton, 1993).

Non-native fish species are abundant and common throughout all of the key river systems (Leprieur et al., 2008). Notable introduced species in the Eastern Cape are Oreochromines, Tilapiines (Cichlidae), and common carp (Cyprinus carpio, Cyprinidae),