To this end, I advocate the development of relational ethics between state-centric and collective security interests. Ethical dilemmas; Conflict resolution; Peacebuilding; Collective security; State interests; collective security interests; Military interventions; Ethics.
INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE OF THE STUDY
Introduction
Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe are expected to eventually participate in military intervention following the approval of SADC member states (George, 2005). The decision to intervene militarily in the DRC came at a meeting of the SADC Inter-State Defense and Security Committee (ISDSC) held in Harare on 18 August 1998 and chaired by Zimbabwe (Nkiwane 1999; Turner, 2000).
The Nexus of Military Interventions, National and Collective Security Interests
He notes that such actions can be carried out without the consent of the attacked state. The period of the study also brings with it some ethical dimensions that are of some importance to the study of security regionalism.
Rationale for Offensive Action and Selectivity in Military Interventions
What is crucial here is that the extension of the just war tradition into the sphere of... Matthews (2016) notes that military intervention may arise from the need to protect or to change.
The Ethics of Military Interventions and International Law
My argument is that synthesizing state interests with collective ones and vice versa helps to develop this relational ethic between them. Critics argue that individual rights should also be respected as those of the community as a whole.
A Global Perspective on State-Centric Interests
National interests can thus be considered core values in a state, which must be defended at all costs (Lippmann, 1943). Charles Beard (1934) assumes that the understanding of the meaning of national interests can be found in tracing the epochs of history.
The Collective Security Paradigm
In such situations there is acceptance of the idea of the 'indivisibility of peace'. The above realist critics argue that the League of Nations has failed to uphold the principle of the League of Nations.
Thesis Outline
CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND PEACE-BUILDING: PERSPECTIVES ON POST-
Introduction
However, before a discussion of African perspectives on self- or state-centered interests is undertaken, it may be important to briefly provide an understanding of the African conceptualization of conflict and social harmony. What is noteworthy is that the conceptualization of the African philosophy of ubuntu differs from one society to another.
Evolution of African Perspectives on State-Centric Interests
The above description of a colonial African state fits well with the "Westphalian" model of the state. Some were convinced that the security of newly independent African countries was in the hands of individual countries.
Evolution of the African Philosophy on Collective Security
This eventually came in the form of the Non-Aligned Movement, in which most African states would later adopt membership (Holst, 1994; Hardwick, 2011). Williams (1961), asserts that Nkrumah would emerge as one of the leading voices in this group.
Post-colonial Africa’s Collective Security Architecture in Application
Most important was a conceptualization of the need for military interventions as a form of strengthening collective security whose characteristics are the focus of the next section to this chapter. By its very nature, it appears to reflect the AU's commitment to uphold the norms contained in the founding documents of the OAU, particularly with regard to promoting the spirit of Pan-Africanism.
Conclusion
In a way, this was an acceptance that there are vulnerabilities that the state-centric paradigm imposes on collective security, where the former cannot be interdependent with the interests of the latter. For this reason, Mapaure (2011) argues that Nkrumah's philosophical insight can already provide a clear understanding of the need to merge state-centric interests with collective security interests in the early stages of decolonization.
ETHICAL QUANDARIES OF MILITARY INTERVENTIONS IN POST-
Introduction
Borrowing from both realist and idealist perspectives, I also attempt to determine the extent to which state-centric and collective security interests might have been allowed to coexist in such an environment. Fourth, I analyze existing shortcomings that underpin the relational ethics of state-centric and collective security interests within the framework of such an unstable post-colonial military security environment where personality collides between the regional membership; power differences, fear, suspicion, foreign influence and other challenges emerge.
Ethical Challenges Inherent in a Security Complex in Southern Africa
Suffice it to note here that the Angolan civil war would become one of the longest civil wars in the sub-region (George, 2005). FLS leaders gave an authentic status to liberation movements of their choice (Hammestad, 2005; Cawthra, 2010).
Transition from a Security Complex to a Conflict Resolution Community
- Effects of Personal Relations on Conflict Resolution and Peace-building in post-colonial
- Wither Relational Ethic to State-centric and Collective Security Interests?
Zimbabwe was then the chairman of the SADC body, while South Africa chaired the SADC summit during this period. This is evident from the so-called ‘SADC alliances’ in the case of the DRC (Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe); Lesotho (South Africa and Botswana) and in Angola (Namibia) (Hwang, 2006; Williams, 2014; Nathan, 2004).
SADC’s Military Interventions in the DRC
- A Bystander Approach to the 1998-2002 DRC Conflicts
A detailed analysis of the underlying facts leading to the military intervention in the DRC should be considered. This was effectively contrary to Article 111 (3) of the OAU and Article 4 (a) and (b) of the AU on the principle of sovereignty and inviolability of borders (OAU Charter, 1964 and AU Charter, 2003).
Ethical Challenges and Military Interventions in the 1998 Lesotho Crisis
The same informal protocol was used by South Africa for its military intervention in Lesotho (Likoti, 2006). Was it a recognition by South Africa and Botswana of the need for military intervention in support of a humanitarian cause?
SADC’s Inertia to Military Intervention in Angola
It also came at a time when the influence of the Soviet Union in Angola was waning or disappearing. Zimbabwe could have easily intervened on the basis that Article 4 of the SADC treaty authorized such military intervention (Tapfumaneyi, 1999).
Namibia and the 1998 Angolan Crisis
Different narratives have been postulated regarding the weak approach displayed by SADC in the Angolan conflict (Hodges, 2001). The Botswana, Mozambique, South Africa and Tanzania team were of the view that the Body as a security entity whose fundamental basis for multilateral cooperation, conflict resolution and peace building was supposed to be defined in the context of political rather than military intervention. Nathan, 2010; Kornegay and Landsberg, 1999).
Conclusion
Thus, authority and will were believed to reside in the hands of the regional organization, while power and self-interest were assumed to reside in the hands of the subregional hegemony. Similarly, cases where a subregional hegemony shows interest do not necessarily mean automatic approval of a subregional organization.
WEST AFRICA’S MILITARY INTERVENTIONS AS A CONFLICT
Introduction
The first part looks at norms that were instrumental in defining West Africa's collective security architecture. The second part follows the evolution of West Africa's collective security architecture amidst opposing views towards its creation.
West Africa’s Norms on Conflict Resolution and Peace-building
The fourth section provides a detailed analysis of the effectiveness of postcolonial West Africa's subregional military intervention initiatives. This determines the extent to which exogenous factors may have contributed to the design of the collective security architectures as they migrated from one sub-region to another.
West Africa’s Protocol on Mutual Assistance on Defence
However, in comparison to the SADC region, armed intervention remained the sole responsibility of member states or the respective states, as had developed during the 1998 KZHA operations in the DRC and Lesotho. In particular, the failure of the two rebel armies to seize state power was attributed to the involvement of the West African Community in the conflicts through the direct use of military force to suppress.
Developing a Collective Security Architecture in West Africa
This led to the birth of the Nigeria-Togo Initiative for Integration, which would gain the support of other countries in the sub-region. Similarly, resentment also arose among some sub-regional members against the idea of this collective effort with Nigeria being seen as its main proponent.
Constraining Nigeria’s Lead Role in Liberia
The narrative above was that the two leading francophone countries in the region, namely Burkina Faso and Ivory Coast, had tacitly supported Taylor's NPFL. Below I provide a detailed analysis of the ethics of state-centric interest in the context of the involvement of the main actors in the Liberian conflict.
Exogenous Actors in the Liberian Conflict
Second, Doe was accused of bloodshed in the coup by executing some former Liberian officials with whom Houphonet-Boigny had close family ties. For this reason, Nigeria's push for military intervention in the sub-region could be seen as aimed at promoting collective rather than state-centric interests.
Dilemma in Military Interventions in post-colonial Africa
This has resulted in regional and sub-regional blocs being led in conflict resolution missions by countries with human and financial muscle. Such behavior, in many parts of the world's regions, becomes a cause for concern in maintaining regional and sub-regional ethical principles in conflict resolution and peace building (Memar, 2014).
Conclusion
ETHICAL CHALLENGES OF EAST AFRICA’S MILITARY INTERVENTIONS IN
Introduction
Towards a Collective Security Architecture: East Africa’s Historical Perspective
As a result of these deep-seated differences, Okoth (2008) argues that officials from the three countries had to meet in 1984 to dispose of the assets of the defunct 1967 EAC. However, this view was challenged when a school of thought emerged that argued that certain provisions of the EAC Treaty allowed interference in another state's internal affairs.
Ethical Challenges of East Africa’s Framework for Cooperation
As Okoth (2008) argues, the challenge was that the provisions of the Treaty were silent on the extent to which Member States could intervene, especially in the form of a collective. The gist of this is to suggest that a Member State can, after approval by the Summit, interfere in the internal affairs of another State.
A Preponderance of State-Centric Interests on Collective Security in East Africa
- The Cold War Legacy and Military Interventions in East Africa
- IGAD’s Collective Security Efforts for Conflict Resolution
- External Actors and Exogenous Interests
- The Interplay of Endogenous and Exogenous Interests in East Africa’s Security
- Implications of State-Centric Interests Prevalent to Kenya’s Involvement in the Somali
This resulted in the establishment of a Transitional National Government (TNG), which had the support of both some of the moderate Islamists and the majority of the business community in the Somali capital, Mogadishu (Erickson, 2013). In the case of Kenya, this had led to the creation of the Northern Frontier Liberation Army (NFLA) as an ethnic Somali secessionist movement in the early 1960s (Erickson, 2013).
The case of Comparatives: Ethical Quandaries inherent to post-colonial East Africa and
This also became the sub-region's collective security interest as terrorist activities began to spread across the East African region. Here the interests of Ethiopia and the United States were intertwined through this shared fear of the rise of Islamic-backed militias in the sub-region (Webber, (2008).
Conclusion
Importing exogenous conflict resolution methods into the subregion also resulted in a weakening of the subregion's security framework, but at the same time deepened the state-centric interests of individual member states and their former external partners. This would have meant, from a moral point of view, that member states had given up some of their state-centric interests in exchange for those of the collective.
RECONCILING EXOGENOUS AND ENDOGENOUS FORMS OF CONFLICT
Introduction
In the third section, I explore the extent to which the guiding principles and norms of conflict resolution and peacebuilding can be instructive in determining how postcolonial South Africa can reconcile familiar indigenous practices of conflict resolution and peacebuilding with those of a hostile nature, as drawn from the Western framework adopted in the United Nations Charter. My intention here is to determine the extent to which exogenous factors and interests have undermined endogenous regional principles and norms of conflict resolution and peacebuilding in postcolonial Southern Africa.
African Indigenous forms of Conflict Resolution and Peace-building
A worrying trend among African sub-regional communities has been the use of military force, where other forms of conflict resolution were believed to be ineffective activities (Olowu, 2018). The new approach proposed by this thesis involves the use of indigenous, non-military, yet compelling forms of conflict resolution.
Reconciling Endogenous and Exogenous Forms of Conflict Resolution: The ‘ASEAN
- The ASEAN Way’s preference for a Bilateral over a Multilateral Approach to Conflict
- The Search for sub-Regional Autonomy in South East Asia
- Application of the Norm of Non-Interference in the Internal Affairs of another State
- The ‘ASEAN Way’ and its Compatibility with the UN norms on non-Use of Force and
As argued by Acharya (2001), this was against a backdrop of the spread of sub-regional tensions across territorial. The conflict was finally resolved when relations between the Great Powers began to thaw at the end of the Cold War.
Post-colonial Southern Africa and the Non-application of Indigenous African Norms on
Furthermore, there was always a fear that such individuals would pursue their state-centric interests at the risk of those of the collective. The collective security architecture was therefore assumed to favor the most influential and powerful members of the community.
Conclusion
SUMMARY OF THE STUDY
Introduction
Findings arising from the Conceptualisation of Key Terms
Findings Arising from Post-Colonial Southern Africa’s Collective Security Architecture
Ethical Quandaries Intrinsic to Military Interventions in Post-Colonial Southern Africa
Reconciling Endogenous and Exogenous Norms with Post-Colonial Southern Africa
Summary of Recommendations
- Declaration of State-centric and Collective Security Interests
- Avoidance of the Lead Nation Concept
- Building Consensus during Conflict Resolution Initiatives
- Synthesizing State-Centric and Collective Security Interests in Post-Colonial Southern
